[House Hearing, 119 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]






      DEMOCRACY IN PERIL: THE FIGHT FOR FREE ELECTIONS IN HONDURAS

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                                 OF THE

                   SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE

                               BEFORE THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED NINETEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                           November 20, 2025

                               __________

                           Serial No. 119-36

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs










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                 U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
                 
64-151 PDF                WASHINGTON : 2026 
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                       
                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                    BRIAN J. MAST, Florida, Chairman
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas             GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York, 
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey         Ranking Member
JOE WILSON, South Carolina           BRAD SHERMAN, California
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania            WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
DARRELL ISSA, California             AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee              JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
RANDY FINE, Florida                  DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky                  TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas                 SARA JACOBS, California
YOUNG KIM, California                SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida            Florida
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan              GREG STANTON, Arizona
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN,       JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
    American Samoa                   JONATHAN L. JACKSON, Illinois
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio                SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
JAMES R. BAIRD, Indiana              JIM COSTA, California
THOMAS H. KEAN, JR, New Jersey       GABE AMO, Rhode Island
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York             KWEISI MFUME, Maryland
CORY MILLS, Florida                  PRAMILA JAYAPAL, Washington
RICHARD McCORMICK, Georgia           GEORGE LATIMER, New York
KEITH SELF, Texas                    JOHNNY OLSZEWSKI Jr, Maryland
RYAN K. ZINKE, Montana               JULIE JOHNSON, Texas
JAMES C. MOYLAN, Guam                SARAH McBRIDE, Delaware
ANNA PAULINA LUNA, Florida           BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
JEFFERSON SHREVE, Indiana            MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
SHERI BIGGS, South Carolina
MICHAEL BAUMGARTNER, Washington
RYAN MACKENZIE, Pennsylvania

              James Langenderfer, Majority Staff Director
                 Sajit Gandhi, Minority Staff Director
                                 ------                                

                   SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE

               MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida, Chairwoman 
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas, Ranking 
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York                 Member
CORY MILLS, Florida                  DINA TITUS, Nevada
JEFFERSON SHREVE, Indiana            SARA JACOBS, California
SHERI BIGGS, South Carolina          GREG STANTON, Arizona
RYAN MACKENZIE, Pennsylvania         JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
RANDY FINE, Florida                  SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California

                 Nico Ruiz, Subcommittee Staff Director
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                 
                         C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              

                            REPRESENTATIVES

                                                                   Page
Opening Statement of Subcommittee Chairman Maria Elvira Salazar..     1
Opening Statement of Subcommittee Ranking Member Joaquin Castro..     3

                               WITNESSES

Statement of Hon. Carlos Trujillo, Former United States 
  Ambassador to the Organization of American States..............     5
  Prepared Statement.............................................     8
Statement of Deborah Ullmer, Regional Director of Latin America 
  and the Caribbean Programs at the National Democratic Institute    10
  Prepared Statement.............................................    12
Statement of Enrique Roig, Vice President of External Affairs at 
  Human Rights First.............................................    20
  Prepared Statement.............................................    22

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    44
Hearing Minutes..................................................    46
Hearing Attendance...............................................    47

                        Material for the Record

Material for the record submitted by Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove...    48

                        Questions for the Record

Questions submitted to Carlos Trujillo from Rep. Castro..........    69

 
      DEMOCRACY IN PERIL: THE FIGHT FOR FREE ELECTIONS IN HONDURAS

                              ----------                              


                      Thursday, November 20, 2025

                  House of Representatives,
            Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
                              Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in 
room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Maria Elvira 
Salazar (chair of the subcommittee) presiding.
    Ms. Salazar. The Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 
will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to examine 
the threats to free and fair elections in Honduras under the 
Xiomara Castro government and to highlight how the United 
States can ensure that the will of the Honduran people is 
honored and respected on November 30.
    I now recognize myself for an opening statement, a 
statement that I am going to pronounce in English and in 
Spanish. I know that this hearing is being broadcasted in 
Honduras. So, I want the Hondurans to understand what I am 
going to say in English, also in Spanish.

   OPENING STATEMENT OF SUBCOMMITTEE CHAIRWOMAN MARIA ELVIRA 
                            SALAZAR

    On November 30, Honduras will not just pick a new 
president, it will choose its political destiny for the next 
century. It is the responsibility of the U.S. Government and 
this committee, the Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. 
Congress, to ensure that in Honduras freedom and democracy will 
prevail.
    Four years ago, the people of Honduras elected a Socialist 
president called Xiomara Castro. Madam Castro has been a loyal 
follower, in her own words, of Fidel Castro in Cuba and Hugo 
Chavez in Venezuela. Do I have to explain to this audience what 
those two murderers did to their countries? Maybe not, because 
everybody knows. Unfortunately, and because of the poisonous 
ideology that the current president has embraced, Madam Castro 
has pushed her country into an economic abyss. And why do I say 
that?
    First, President Castro welcomed Communist China and even 
suggested that she may give Palmerola Air Base to the Chinese. 
The Palmerola Base is a key United States military installation 
in Latin America.
    Second, she broke relations with democratic Taiwan just to 
please China.
    Third, she gave another thug called Nicolas Maduro in 
Venezuela the highest medal of honor that the country can give 
to a civilian, the Order of Francisco Morazan. I am sure that 
Morazan has to be rolling in his grave.
    And fourth, she flooded the country with Cuban spies 
dressed as doctors, teachers, and psychologists.
    Ten days from today, the fate of Honduras is in the hands 
of three candidates, Papito a la Orden, whose real name is 
Nasry Asfura, Salvador Nasralla, and Rixi Moncada. Mrs. Moncada 
is the heir to the Communist throne picked by the current 
president. Mrs. Moncada says that Cuba is a democracy and that 
she wants Honduras to look just like Cuba. Well, this is the 
way Cuba looks today. I am sure that Hondurans would not want 
that in their streets.
    At this hour, the voters of Honduras are at a crossroads, 
and they should think long and hard about who they are going to 
vote for.
    As the chairwoman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee 
within the House Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. 
Congress, I am not telling you who to vote for. All I am saying 
is do not elect a Communist. Communism is beautiful in theory 
and miserable in practice.
    Look at Venezuela, after 25 years ago, the Venezuelans were 
oblivious to the same warning I am saying today and not even 
the largest reserves of oil in the world can save them from the 
economic catastrophe they are living today.
    Socialism's No. 1 goal is to corrode democratic 
institutions, especially the armed forces. The Honduran Armed 
Forces is the most powerful institution in the country and are 
demanding direct access to private vote information. The Armed 
Forces are demanding to know who voted for who.
    This is not the military which has made Hondurans proud for 
over 100 years. That military pulled Manuel Zelaya, the husband 
of the current president, out of his bed in his PJs, sent him 
to Costa Rica in the middle of the night for wanting to do the 
same thing that his wife is trying to do right now, impose 
Communism in Honduras. Sixteen years ago, the military saved 
their country from Communism and today, they need to do the 
same thing.
    So this committee is sending a very clear message, 
supported by the State Department and the Trump Administration, 
that Honduras must hold a free, fair, and transparent election. 
No intimidation, no stolen ballots, no foreign interference. 
The eye of the United States is upon Honduras this November 30.
    In the United States, there are more than one million 
Hondurans, hundreds of thousands of them in my own district, 
Florida District Number 27, the heart of the city of Miami. Oh, 
I know Hondurans very well. They are good people, hardworking, 
God-fearing, law-abiding, who have been beaten by a political 
class that has not treated them well for decades.
    They deserve someone who is not a Communist, who will put 
the future of Honduras first and that includes the two right 
candidates as well. Whomever wins these elections needs to put 
the fatherland above their own personal interests. The Honduras 
political class admires the American political economic system. 
Well, it is time for them to start copying it. The nation's 
treasury is not their own personal checking account. The well-
being of the average Honduran should be their only interest.
    Honduras deserves better. May the Lord guide them this 
November 30.
    So those are my remarks in English. I am so sorry I am 
going to have to say the same remarks in Spanish for those who 
are watching and those who are not present in this room. And 
then I will give my colleagues time to ask their questions.
    [Spanish language spoken.]
    I now recognize the ranking member from Texas, 
Representative Mr. Castro, for any statement that he may have.

OPENING STATEMENT OF SUBCOMMITTEE RANKING MEMBER JOAQUIN CASTRO

    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman. We are 11 months into a 
new Congress and a new administration. And this is the very 
first hearing our subcommittee is holding on the Western 
Hemisphere.
    President Trump has brought us to the brink of war with 
Venezuela without the consent of the people. He has carried out 
extrajudicial killings in the Caribbean and the Eastern 
Pacific.
    He has cutoff countered narcotics cooperation with 
Colombia, a trusted allied. He sent hundreds to mass detention 
in El Salvador without any due process and now threatens 
strikes against Mexico.
    He has canceled hundreds of millions in regional programs 
without explanation to Congress. And all of this has occurred 
without any hearings at all, without transparency, and without 
the oversight the Constitution requires.
    Eleven months in, we haven't even had a budget hearing 
where a senior administration official comes before this 
committee and explains priorities for Latin America, the 
Caribbean, and the entire region.
    By November of the first year when the Democrats were last 
in the majority, this subcommittee had held seven hearings with 
the administration testifying at four of them.
    Madam Chairwoman, I know you pushed for the administration 
to provide a witness at this hearing. I strongly supported that 
request. And it is unacceptable that they are refusing to 
provide a witness for this hearing. In over a decade, actually 
a dozen years on this committee, I have never seen anything 
like this.
    The Republican administration is refusing to provide a 
hearing--a State Department witness for a Republican 
chairwoman. I think that is unprecedented. And it shows you the 
secrecy of the Trump Administration.
    So, Chairwoman, I urge you to hold public hearings with the 
administration providing testimony on these serious issues in 
the hemisphere. And I will back up any request to come have the 
Trump Administration testify.
    The American people deserve to hear what their government 
is doing. And this committee must exercise oversight 
responsibilities.
    The hearing today, of course, is about Honduras, which will 
be holding elections in just 10 days. And I am certainly 
concerned. It seems that the Honduran people's faith in their 
electoral institutions is at rock bottom. This is an election 
where the three major candidates could plausibly be within 
single digit margins of each other without any runoffs.
    All three major candidates and their parties have made 
public statements that they do not trust this process, raising 
the possibility that they will not respect the results of the 
elections.
    Free and fair elections are the responsibility of everyone, 
the government, the opposition parties, the electoral 
authorities, the military, and the economic elite.
    The National Electoral Council, the entity responsible for 
organizing the elections, is deadlocked, under-resourced, and 
facing intense political pressure by both the government and 
opposition parties.
    The Honduran government declared a State of exception in 
2022, restricting civil liberties and due process and 
significantly restricted the ability of civil society to act 
freely and independently.
    We have also seen worrying levels of violence and 
intimidation against candidates, journalists, and civil society 
leaders across the political spectrum, which can chill 
participation and further undermine confidence in the election 
results.
    This is a difficult situation that Honduran officials, 
candidates, and civil society will have to navigate if they are 
to preserve their democracy.
    Unfortunately, the Trump Administration has not met the 
moment. At the beginning of the year, the Trump Administration 
ended State Department and USAID programs that supported the 
rule of law and stronger electoral institutions in Honduras.
    Right before the critical March primary elections in 
Honduras, which Hondurans had serious concerns over, the 
administration cut funding for civil society organizations that 
would have provided much needed transparency.
    The Trump Administration has also been unwilling to raise 
any concerns for most of the year, finally making a statement 
just last--just a week ago when Deputy Secretary Landau raised 
concerns.
    Fortunately, Hondurans in the region seemed to be 
mobilizing. I am glad that the OAS, the European union, and 
other organizations will be sending election missions to 
Honduras. I urge the government to provide them with the 
transparency and the freedom to conduct their work.
    And I am hopeful that we will see a robust civil society 
presence at the elections to provide much needed transparency 
and hold both the government and opposition parties accountable 
to democratic values.
    I echo the OAS's recent call for the Honduran government to 
respect the independent of the National Electoral Council, 
which must conduct its work to ensure the elections are held on 
time. And when the elections are held, I hope that the 
authorities release verifiable results without delay.
    We should be principled in standing for democracy and the 
right of a people to elect their own leaders, regardless of 
whether the government is on the right or the left.
    While the United States and the international community can 
raise concerns and support Honduran society in advancing 
Democratic values and norms, our role is not to pick the 
leaders of Honduras. And I look forward to hearing fromat this 
hearing.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Ranking Member. I hardly agree with 
you on many of the policy issues, but I do have to agree with 
you what you said. And we certainly hope that the State 
Department will come to one of these hearings in the very near 
future. Thank you for your comments.
    Now, other members of the committee are reminded that 
opening statements may be submitted for the record.
    We are pleased to have a distinguished panel of witnesses 
before us today on this important topic.
    The Honorable Carlos Trujillo, former United States 
Ambassador to the Organization of American States, the oldest 
regional international organization in the world. Before that, 
Ambassador Trujillo served as Special Representative to the 
General Assembly of the United Nations, and he also served in 
the Florida House of Representatives for four terms. Thank you 
for being here, Ambassador.
    Deborah Ullmer is the Regional Director of the Latin 
America and Caribbean Programs at the National Democratic 
Institute. The NDI is a non-profit, non-partisan organization 
that works to promote transparency and fair elections.
    Mrs. Ullmer has spent over a decade living and working in 
Latin America on democracy issues for NDIA, for Freedom House, 
and for the U.S. Government. Welcome, Madam.
    And last, we have Enrique Roig, Vice President of External 
Affairs at Human Rights First. Mr. Roig previously worked at 
the State Department and the USAID on Latin American issues and 
has testified before this committee in other capacities.
    This committee recognizes the importance of the issues 
before us and is grateful to have you here to speak today. Your 
full statements will be made part of the record, and I will ask 
you to keep your remarks to 5 minutes or less. And now I 
recognize Ambassador Trujillo for his opening statement. Thank 
you.

               STATEMENT OF HON. CARLOS TRUJILLO

    Mr. Trujillo. Thank you, Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member 
Castro, and the distinguished members of this committee. I am 
deeply grateful for the invitation to appear before you today 
to offer testimony concerning the critical matter of the 
upcoming elections in Honduras.
    When Xiomara Castro was elected president in 2021, many 
welcomed her as a voice of change. Unfortunately, the reality 
has been significantly different. She has institutionalized the 
government based on extreme political ideology and has 
repeatedly expressed an affinity for totalitarian regimes, 
including those of Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.
    As the first months of the administration progressed, 
concerns immediately grew regarding the direction of the new 
government, particularly following her decision to eliminate 
and sever all diplomatic ties with Taiwan and establish and 
recognize the Communist Party and Republic of China.
    She has also failed to seat the Israeli Ambassador, who has 
been credentialed before her for over a year and a half. They 
have also organized groups of street thugs organized and funded 
by the government, known as ``colectivos'', to influence 
episodes of tension and violence and to intimidate the election 
authorities and the National Congress.
    Several high-level officials also chose to resign due to 
internal disagreements or differences of opinion with the 
government. Among them was Edmundo Orellana, who served as 
Secretary of Transparency and Anti-Corruption.
    In the period leading up to the current elections, civil 
society organizations, political sectors, and observers have 
expressed concern over irregularities, particularly regarding 
delays and obstacles in the contracting of essential services 
for election day.
    Recently the tensions between the executive branch and the 
National Electoral Council have intensified. The former 
president of the Electoral Council, Cossette Lopez-Osorio, has 
reported receiving death threats and judicial pressures, which 
according to her were intended to force her resignation.
    Magistrate Ana Paola Hall has similarly conveyed, in public 
forums, that she perceives threats to her security, escalating 
concerns regarding a potential maneuver to replace current 
electoral authorities with individuals deemed more aligned with 
the interests of the current administration.
    Just last February, President Xiomara Castro's government 
canceled the extradition agreement for narcotics trafficking 
and organized crime extradition to the United States. The 
agreement was ultimately reinstated. But I believe the question 
to the committee is, why would she take such an extreme 
measure?
    She has also threatened to cancel the military cooperation 
of the American Base in Palmerola, threats that are made 
repeatedly and constantly at American diplomats in country.
    Another sensitive point is the role of the Armed Forces. If 
we look at the historic record, their function in elections has 
been limited to the custody and transport of ballot boxes 
across the country.
    However, recent statements by the high command, 
particularly General Roosevelt Hernandez, have been interpreted 
by some sectors as an attempt to involve themselves in areas 
beyond their constitutional authority, raising concerns about 
their impartiality.
    I would also like to add the maneuvers performed within the 
National Congress by the leadership of Luis Redondo similarly 
warrant close attention and cannot be disregarded.
    The Government of Honduras has been operating under a State 
of emergency since 2022. The constitutional safeguards and 
rights of its citizens have ultimately been suspended.
    Redondo used this as an opportunity to continue ordinary 
sessions, despite more than 78 of the 128 Members of Congress 
demanding to return to regular session.
    Instead, he opted to create a permanent commission composed 
of nine deputies aligned with his Libre party. Through this 
structure, interim appointments could be imposed once officials 
of the National Election Council and Electoral Justice Tribunal 
are suspended or removed from their positions.
    Finally, the role of the Public Ministry has been subject 
to debate. Various opposition parties have alerted that the 
Attorney General, Johel Zelaya, the nephew of Libre candidate 
Rixi Moncada, has been making decisions favoring his aunt, 
including legally contested actions against electoral 
authorities. Some officials in this environment have 
temporarily left the country due to fear of prosecution or 
death.
    For Members of Congress and of the Trump Administration 
strengthening electoral transparency in Honduras is essential. 
Washington maintains a significant influence in the country 
under security operation family ties and deep bilateral trade 
ties.
    I commend the committee members for being here today and 
discussing this very important election. In less than 10 days, 
the future of one of our great allies will be decided.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Trujillo follows:]

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    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Ambassador Trujillo.
    And I recognize Ms. Ullmer for her opening statement.

                STATEMENT OF MRS. DEBORAH ULLMER

    Ms. Ullmer. Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro, and 
members of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, thank 
you for this opportunity to address this hearing.
    I have worked and lived in Honduras where I witnessed the 
post-election violence in 2017. As you know, NDI organized a 
bipartisan pre-election assessment mission, when we visited the 
country in early August. NDI's findings and recommendations and 
assistance to a broad citizen observation initiative called the 
Observadores Electorales por Honduras informed my observations. 
NDI's work is currently supported by the National Endowment for 
Democracy.
    As Honduras heads to the November 30 elections in just 10 
days, the stakes extend far beyond its borders. At a moment 
when democracy is being tested across the globe, this vote will 
determine more than who governs Honduras. It will shape the 
country's stability and influence regional security and U.S. 
strategic interests in Central America.
    A credible election in Honduras is essential to avoiding a 
slide into deeper political instability. The real stake lies 
beyond electoral disputes, which can trigger immediate unrest. 
The larger danger is more profound, a leadership that assumes 
office without a genuine mandate, weakening democratic checks, 
further eroding public confidence, and undermining the 
country's governability in lasting ways.
    Washington has good reason to care. Honduras is already a 
major transshipment point for cocaine moving from South America 
to the United States. Political turmoil could make this already 
serious problem much worse.
    The country is also home to Soto Cano Air Base, a key hub 
for U.S. military operations in Central America. And with more 
than 200 U.S. companies operating in Honduras, instability 
could put significant American investments at risk.
    In short, Honduras' stability matters to American security, 
economic interests, and the lives of thousands of families with 
deep ties to both countries. Yet Hondurans face this election 
with deep distrust in their government, rooted in the 2009 
constitutional crisis that led to a coup d'etat and the 2017 
Presidential reelection when allegations of fraud resulted in 
deadly post-election violence.
    Recent votes have only stoked public mistrust and 
instability. The March general primaries were marred by 
failures to safeguard ballots and significant voting delays 
occurred in the country's two largest cities Tegucigalpa and 
San Pedro City.
    Since its August mission, NDI has heard consistent concerns 
about undue political interference and legal pressures on the 
National Electoral Council and the Electoral Justice Tribunal. 
These actions contribute to a serious deterioration of 
democratic norms as sustained attacks from other branches of 
government against electoral authorities deepened the risk of 
prolonged political crisis.
    In this respect, the work of the National Electoral Council 
hinges on the cooperation of all political actors in government 
institutions, including the Armed Forces, which are 
constitutionally mandated not only with safeguarding the 
ballots or providing overall election security but also with 
guaranteeing the orderly alternation of power.
    The Honduran people deserve credible and transparent 
elections in which their votes are counted accurately and their 
voices are respected.
    NDI is still hopeful that a credible and transparent 
election is possible. To that end, the timing of this hearing, 
Madam Chairwoman, is perfect. I would like to offer the 
following recommendations.
    One, that Congress should continue voicing its strong, 
bipartisan backing for free, fair, and transparent elections in 
Honduras, including through public statements, letters and 
continued engagement with the Honduran authorities in civil 
society.
    Two, that the United States should continue working with 
the Organization of American States to initiate and sustain 
dialog efforts, which will be essential as the election 
approaches and in the immediate aftermath when tensions may run 
high.
    Three, the United States should explicitly affirm the 
importance of Honduran observers and convey its strong support 
for their work, emphasizing that non-partisan and independent 
observation is essential for public confidence in their vote.
    Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro, and members of 
this subcommittee, thank you again for the opportunity to 
testify. I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mrs. Ullmer follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Ms. Salazar. Thanks to you, Mrs. Ullmer.
    And I now recognize Mr. Roig for his opening and last 
statement. Thank you.

                 STATEMENT OF MR. ENRIQUE ROIG

    Mr. Roig. Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro, and 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to testify today.
    I'm here on behalf of Human Rights First to discuss the 
upcoming elections in Honduras and the ways in which recent 
U.S. foreign-assistance decisions have impacted the ability to 
support electoral observation, civil society oversight, media 
programs, and anti-corruption efforts.
    As you know, Honduras enters its next electoral cycle 
already burdened by increased polarization, a legacy of 
irregular elections, and a justice system that has been 
hollowed out by political manipulation and organized crime 
infiltration. There undoubtably is a need for increased 
vigilance and raising of the alarm on the Honduras election.
    However, the Trump Administration has been relatively 
silent and taken a largely transactional approach to the Castro 
government focused mainly on deportations. According to Human 
Rights First's ICE Flight Monitor, the United States from 
January to October 2025 carried out 353 deportation flights to 
Honduras, making it the second highest deportation destination 
after Guatemala.
    The administration also pressured Honduras into signing 
Asylum Cooperative Agreements that allow the U.S. to send 
asylum seekers there without assessing their claims. And the 
administration's termination of TPS for 72,000
    Hondurans in September of this year has further placed even 
more people at risk of removal.
    Now while the Trump administration has remained focused on 
deportations, there are other national security interests at 
play that require greater vigilance of the electoral process in 
Honduras. Fortunately, the European Union and Organization of 
American States have stepped up and called for greater 
transparency and legitimacy of the upcoming election.
    Today, Honduran civil society, much to their credit, have 
been able to organize domestic observers. However, they have 
had to cobble together their effort at the last moment because 
the foreign assistance they depended on was terminated.
    If U.S. foreign assistance had not been decimated, the 
Honduran observers would have greater resources to ensure 
increased scrutiny of the elections at this critical juncture.
    Unfortunately, this is not just a Honduran problem. 
Beginning early this year, the administration froze and 
terminated a broad range of USAID and State Department 
programs, including those that have long supported election 
integrity, civil-society resilience, and anti-corruption 
efforts in the region, including support to independent 
election observers and technical assistance to electoral 
authorities, investigative journalism networks and fact-
checking consortia that counter disinformation during 
elections, digital-security programs that protect activists, 
monitors, and independent media from targeted attacks, rule-of-
law and anti-corruption initiatives that help insulate 
prosecutors, auditors, and judges from political interference.
    Now, I know that members of this Committee have asked what 
the administration is currently doing to support these 
democracy and governance programs. The short answer is clearly 
not nearly enough. And while the State Department has stated 
publicly that some of these programs continue to be 
administered, the reality on the ground is a very different 
story.
    The foreign assistance dismantling has terminated or halted 
the core program lines for democracy, civil society, and 
election support that this region depends on.
    My previous bureau, DRL, has undergone a significant 
structural downgrade with its entire Western Hemisphere 
expertise purged and effective elimination of most of its 
regional programming to support critical work in Honduras.
    Former USAID implementers tell us they are in survival 
mode, unable to plan, unable to hire, unable to continue 
critical election-integrity and anti-corruption work. And the 
strategic messaging coming from U.S. leadership today 
prioritizes deportation and short-term security concerns, not 
the democracy, rights, and governance work that addresses the 
root causes driving instability.
    The consequences are already visible across the region: 
weaker civic space, diminished oversight, and far greater room 
for authoritarian and criminal actors to manipulate electoral 
processes.
    Now, for decades, Democrats and Republicans alike 
understood that investing in these democracy and governance 
programs is not just about values. It is about national 
security. Restoring and protecting these programs are critical 
as we have seen in the lead up to high-risk elections in 
Honduras and elsewhere in the region. It is in the strategic 
interest of the United States.
    So thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Roig follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Roig. I now recognize myself 
for 5 minutes of questioning. So I think we are all on the same 
page. We want Honduras to have a free, fair election on 
November 30 and that is the reason why we are here.
    I have two questions, and I can start with you, Ambassador 
Trujillo. And obviously, Deborah, you can always pitch in. Is 
the current Castro government trying to rig the elections, yes 
or no? And if they are, how are they doing it? And No. 3, what 
can the United States do in order to stop that effort?
    Mr. Trujillo. Thank you, Madam Chair. The answer is yes. 
And how are they doing it, if you look at the way they have 
gone after the Electoral Council. The Electoral Council is 
composed of one member from each party. There are three major 
parties in Honduras. Everyone sends their representative.
    The Attorney General, who happens to be Rixi Moncada, one 
of the candidates' nephew, has decided to summon the two 
opposition parties to come and testify before his office.
    The purpose of this testimony is to present criminal 
charges to ultimately disqualify them from serving in that 
capacity. Who will be the replacements----
    Ms. Salazar. What is the importance of the National 
Electoral Council for those that don't understand well? Why are 
they so important?
    Mr. Trujillo. The Council adjudicates the outcomes of the 
elections and certifies its results. And the reason it is 
composed of all political parties is because you want buy-in, 
you want finality, you want certainty. The fact that those two 
members are being attacked by the actual government and by the 
nephew of one of the opposition candidates shows you where this 
election is headed.
    Furthermore, Redondo, who controls the National Assembly, 
has already named the replacements. The replacements for 
partisan positions are not from the same party. They are hand-
selected by their government in order to influence the outcome 
of the election.
    Ms. Salazar. What can the United States do at this hour, 10 
days out from the election, in order to prevent any type of 
stealing or rigging of the Presidential elections? What can we 
do?
    Mr. Trujillo. First, I commend you on this hearing. I think 
the vigilance of this committee and the private statements and 
influence of members of the committee, sometimes it is 
difficult to recognize when you are sitting in the seats that 
you are sitting, the importance of the words that you say and 
how important they are in country, in Honduras, and how it 
gives hope to the Honduran people, the amount of people you see 
sitting here behind us, who really their hope on saving their 
democracy is kind of vested in a hearing like this.
    The other thing is the U.S. Government has a plethora of 
tools that they could use in order to apply individual sectoral 
pressure to individuals who violate or usurp the rule of law, 
who violate or usurp democracy, individuals who commit human 
rights violations, whether it is in a targeted sanctioned 
matter toward an individual or toward an entire institution. I 
think all of those tools are available, and ultimately, the 
lack of recognition for the legitimacy of these regimes.
    If they do steal the election and they do go down that 
road, how does it end? And it has to end without any credible 
democratic actor recognizing the legitimacy of the regime.
    Ms. Salazar. Deborah, if you would like to add, I have a 
couple of questions for you.
    Ms. Ullmer. Yes. Sure. Thank you. I would like to add a 
message that the U.S. and your committee is already giving 
through this hearing the messages that can be amplified. That 
is ensuring the respect for minimum principles of election 
integrity, ensuring that the elections take place on the 
planned date as the OAS Secretary General has set, guaranteeing 
that party representatives and non-partisan citizen observers 
have access to polling stations and the collation centers to 
ensure transparency and accountability, respecting the 
independence of electoral institutions so that they can fulfill 
their mandates, publishing prompt and verifiable results, 
including polling station level results and demonstrating the 
unwavering respect for the will of the people. Thank you.
    Ms. Salazar. Mr. Roig, I am not sure if you feel 
comfortable answering this question, but the Armed Forces is 
one of the most respected institutions in Honduras. I just 
mentioned during my initial statement, in 2009 they pulled 
Manuel Zelaya out of his bed--I was there as a journalist--in 
the middle of the night in PJs, put him on a plane, and sent 
him to Costa Rica because Manuel Zelaya wanted to implement 
Communism in Honduras. Now 16 years later, his wife is doing 
that job.
    Just explain to us in which way the Armed Forces could stop 
everything that the other witnesses have described.
    Mr. Roig. Yes, so Madam Chairwoman, the Armed Forces 
obviously play an important role in the elections in Honduras. 
They are there to safeguard and ensure the transportation of 
election materials. And so it is going to be important to have 
continued vigilance over that role they are going to be playing 
and ensure that they are not further politicized, as we have 
seen some of the statements coming out of heads of the 
military, particularly against the media.
    And so it is concerning. And that's why, you know, we have 
electoral observation, observation happening on the ground to 
ensure that things do go smoothly in a way that is transparent.
    Ms. Salazar. I just would like to hear from the three of 
you, why have the Armed Forces been involved in a way that has 
not been seen in the last 50 years?
    Mr. Trujillo. Yes, I would say through General Roosevelt 
and many others, they are much more politicized. The rank and 
file Armed Forces----
    Ms. Salazar. When did that start?
    Mr. Trujillo. That started under this administration, under 
Xiomara Castro.
    Ms. Salazar. And why did that happen? What incentives did 
the current president or government give the top echelon of the 
Armed Forces to become more politicized? What happened?
    Mr. Trujillo. It is absolute loyalty to the executive 
rather than to the Constitution.
    Ms. Salazar. That has not been the case in Honduras for the 
last 100 years.
    Mr. Trujillo. Historically, it would be difficult to see 
the president of the country giving multiple political speeches 
with high ranking Federals standing behind them.
    Ms. Salazar. And then why did that happen? Because I 
remember when I lived in Honduras that this is the only country 
in Central America which did not have a guerrilla, right? We 
would go to Honduras just to rest from El Salvador, Guatemala, 
Nicaragua. Honduras was like the haven--I would go for the 
haven. But what happened with those Armed Forces that kept at 
bay a guerrilla movement?
    Mr. Trujillo. The top portion of the Armed Forces--the top 
brass of the Armed Forces have been purged and replaced by 
ideological loyalists to the regime.
    Ms. Salazar. That happens in Cuba with Castro, Chavez in 
Venezuela----
    Mr. Trujillo. And Nicaragua.
    Ms. Salazar. I yield back, and I recognize Ranking Member 
Castro for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman. That is happening in 
Donald Trump's America right now, too.
    You know, on these kinds of hearings, one of the 
disadvantages that we have here when you are not in the country 
that we are discussing is that we are not on the ground. We are 
not in the middle of the action so to speak. And so we rely on 
witnesses and experts and others to come and tell us based on 
their expertise what is going on.
    And it is hard sometimes to sort out what is fact and 
fiction or exaggeration or hyperbole, you know, and you 
probably can never be 100 percent certain of anything that you 
hear.
    But I wanted to start with you, Ambassador Trujillo, 
because you did mention conflicts of interest with the Attorney 
General and so forth. And I want to commend you for your 
service as U.S. Ambassador to the OAS.
    But I also want to ask you about conflicts of interest that 
you have sitting here today. You are a registered foreign 
agent, is that correct?
    Mr. Trujillo. That is correct but not in Honduras.
    Mr. Castro. You represent the Dominican Republic, Haiti, 
Guyana, Japan, and Bosnia, is that correct?
    Mr. Trujillo. And Kenya as well.
    Mr. Castro. And Kenya. You also have--you and your firm 
have significant corporate clients in Honduras who are actively 
working against the sitting government, is that correct?
    Mr. Trujillo. That is not correct.
    Mr. Castro. You have clients in Honduras?
    Mr. Trujillo. I do have clients in Honduras.
    Mr. Castro. You represent Prospera Honduras?
    Mr. Trujillo. I do no longer represent Prospera Honduras.
    Mr. Castro. Does your firm still represent Prospera 
Honduras?
    Mr. Trujillo. We do not represent Prospera Honduras.
    Mr. Castro. Well, when did you represent them, for what 
period of time?
    Mr. Trujillo. Prior to the Trump Administration, probably 
through--it was one of my partners in my firm. Probably through 
the first quarter of this year.
    Mr. Castro. You also represent two financial institutions 
in Honduras, you or your firm?
    Mr. Trujillo. They are all over Central America, yes.
    Mr. Castro. And so I want to ask you, did you discuss your 
upcoming testimony with any of your clients before this 
hearing?
    Mr. Trujillo. I have not.
    Mr. Castro. Did you get advised----
    Ms. Salazar. Ranking Member, sorry for interrupting. I 
think we are here for just one purpose, to assure that clean 
and fair elections in Honduras occur on November 30.
    Ambassador Trujillo may have many clients in Honduras, but 
that does not mean that he does not want the best outcome on 
November 30. So I think we should just concentrate on finding 
out what is really happening right now and how we can preserve 
the integrity of those elections.
    Mr. Castro. Well, Chairwoman, I have never interrupted your 
time, and you have never interrupted my time. And these are 
fair questions about a witness, especially when the witness 
talked about conflicts of interest of others in Honduras.
    I think it is fair to consider whether there is conflicts 
of interest being presented to us here today. And so that is 
why I asked him about the clients that he represented, 
including Prospera, which is very controversial in Honduras, 
which was fighting with the government there, involved in 
litigation and later arbitration. I think that is a significant 
perspective and obviously one that you have chosen to discuss 
this. But I think that folks need to know that. I think that is 
important.
    Mr. Trujillo. If you are insinuating, just to be clear, 
Ranking Member----
    Mr. Castro. Sure.
    Mr. Trujillo [continuing]. if you are insinuating that my 
testimony here is tainted because 9 months ago I represented--
and I didn't even personally represent them--my firm 
represented Honduras Prospera, which is another asset--an 
American asset by the way--that was sequestered and taken away 
by this government and is actually being actively supported not 
only by the Biden's State Department, but also by the Trump 
one. If you are insinuating that somehow taints my testimony, 
it is factually inaccurate.
    Mr. Castro. Well, Ambassador, I commended you for your 
service as Ambassador to OAS. I am not saying that your 
testimony is tainted, but I want there to be a full 
understanding about your perspective as a witness.
    It is very rare that we have a registered foreign agent and 
a registered lobbyist sit in that chair where you are sitting. 
That almost never happens. So when it does, I think it is 
important to discuss that.
    But I have a question for Mr. Roig really quickly. I want 
to ask you actually Mr. Roig or Ms. Ullmer, both of you have 
emphasized the importance of independent electoral 
institutions.
    Given the deadlock inside the National Electoral Council 
and the political pressure facing Tribunal for Electoral 
Justice, what are the most urgent steps Honduras must take in 
the next 10 days to restore minimum public confidence in these 
institutions? There are 10 days left. What has to happen?
    Ms. Ullmer. Thank you. The independence of the Honduran 
electoral institutions are vital. And that is not only of the 
National Electoral Council but it is also the Electoral Justice 
Tribunal. They both have important results, one who administers 
the results, the other who adjudicates any challenges. But it 
is critical that these institutions are able to fulfill their 
mandates and ensure credible and transparent elections.
    I commence the CNE for accrediting, I think, a record 
number of domestic observers. The Hondurans are doing their 
part. They have come together. And thousands of volunteer 
observers have come together to provide oversight and to 
protect the will of the people.
    I also commend the private sector for stepping in and 
providing funding for these observation efforts.
    Mr. Castro. Mr. Roig, if I could just get a quick answer 
there.
    Mr. Roig. Ranking Member, in terms of what more we can be 
doing, having worked at the State Department, I would say at 
this stage it is really important that the State Department be 
much more vocal between now and November 30. You know, the 
silence has been deafening.
    And so to the extent--I know you tried to get a witness 
here today. But I think that, you know, the State Department 
has a critical role to play in demonstrating that it is 
watching what is happening and showing vigilance over this 
process. And so I would hope that they would take that to heart 
in the lead up to the election.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Ranking Member. I now recognize 
Congressman Shreve from Indiana.
    Mr. Shreve. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, for holding this 
hearing today recognizing that the elections are at the end of 
the month, and Honduras has held democratic elections for 45 
years now. But the country continues to struggle with 
authoritarian governance leaving these democratic institutions 
fragile.
    We see ominous signs. The current AG, Johel Zelaya, is 
prosecuting the Electoral Justice Tribunal magistrates who have 
to certify this election at the end of this month, issued 
formal charges against it. The Honduran Supreme Court ruled 
that the magistrates have constitutional immunity. It is a case 
of electoral misconduct, actions reminiscent of the autocratic 
regimes of the Nicaraguan and Venezuelan governments. Thank 
you.
    Ambassador Trujillo, this may seem like an obvious 
question, but for my edification and for the record, are you 
concerned about this possibly illegal escalatory action? And 
what does it say about the State of democracy in Honduras over 
this 45 year context that we have had the opportunity to 
observe?
    Mr. Trujillo. I would say the State of democracy is very, 
very fragile. If you look at the institutions, if you look at 
the weaponization of those institutions, if you look at the 
Electoral Council, the prosecution of some of the members of 
opposition parties, I have been to Honduras dozens of times. I 
spent a significant time there through my time as OAS 
Ambassador. I worked with the anti-corruption missions. I know 
the country relatively well.
    It is as fragile as I have seen it in recent times. And 
that is taking into account that the previous president is 
serving time in Federal prison for drug trafficking.
    Mr. Shreve. Let me offer another example. The National 
Electoral Council, the party representative, Ana Paola Hall, 
resigned after facing threats and intense political pressure 
from the Castro Administration.
    Ambassador, as you know, the CNE is an independent body 
responsible for organizing and guaranteeing all elections in 
Honduras.
    Mr. Ambassador, what actions did our State Department take 
in response to the actions taken against Representative Hall by 
the Castro Administration?
    Mr. Trujillo. I am not sure of exactly--I am not a U.S. 
Government official. So I am not sure of exactly what actions 
the U.S. State Department took. I am not sure.
    I believe they did have some private consultations with 
them. But I am not sure.
    Mr. Shreve. I appreciate that. I know that you are not 
presently in service. And that speaks to the merit in this 
subcommittee's wish to have a representative of our State 
Department in service with us for such a hearing today. But I 
appreciate that, and I don't know if any of our other witnesses 
has a perspective to offer on that front. And if not, I would 
yield back. Mr. Roig?
    Mr. Roig. Congressman, I would just offer up that, you 
know, on the surface what we have seen and what I mentioned in 
my opening statement is the transactional nature of this--the 
Trump Administration with Honduras. If the focus is mainly on 
deportations with 353 flights just this year alone, then that 
obviously sends a message to the Castro government of what our 
interests are. And I think ultimately weakens our leverage on 
issues like this around the election.
    And so I don't know behind the scenes what kind of 
discussions you might have had on specifically to your 
question, but again on the surface, I think we can all see what 
is happening here. And that, you know, having been a State 
Department official, you don't want to give that much leverage 
when the other side knows exactly what you are all about when 
it comes to the bilateral relationship.
    Mr. Shreve. Sure. How are the democracy watchers in your 
organization funded? Will it be on the ground in Honduras? Will 
you have a representative of your organization on the ground?
    Mr. Trujillo. My organization will not be on the ground. We 
are not currently operating in Honduras. But my colleague here 
can speak to that.
    Mr. Shreve. Please
    Ms. Ullmer. Yes, sir. We are currently funded by the 
National Endowment for Democracy. They funded our pre-election 
assessment, which was bipartisan in August. And they are 
helping fund us for providing technical assistance to a 
national observation initiative that will be observing in large 
numbers on election day.
    Mr. Shreve. Thank you. My time has expired, and I yield 
back.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you Congressman Shreve from the State of 
Indiana. Now I recognize Mr. Stanton from the State of New 
Mexico.
    Mr. Stanton. Close.
    Ms. Salazar. For 5 minutes.
    Mr. Stanton. Arizona and New Mexico like each other very 
much, but the Southwest we have got to hang together.
    Ms. Salazar. Hey, listen, they gave me the wrong--I am 
sorry.
    Mr. Stanton. That's Okay.
    Ms. Salazar. I am very sorry, Arizona. It sounds a little 
bit better than New Mexico. Thank you. Yes, thank you.
    Mr. Stanton. Thank you, Madam Chair, for convening this 
hearing. Thank you for our witnesses for being here today, 
particularly on very short notice. We understand that you were 
asked to appear before this committee on very short notice.
    And I associate my comments with a lot of the comments made 
by our chair and our ranking member about the critical 
importance of free, fair, democratic elections in Honduras.
    I also associate myself with the comments of Representative 
Castro. We wouldn't need a registered lobbyist before us if the 
Trump Administration had sent their representative because we 
have some very tough questions for the Trump Administration and 
their policy in the Western Hemisphere.
    And I don't diminish the importance of these critical 
upcoming elections in Honduras at the end of the month and the 
serious threats to free and fair elections, taking a page out 
of some Maduro's bag of tricks if you will to usurp a free and 
fair election. These matters deserve our attention.
    But for me it is unfathomable that this single topic would 
dominate our first hearing in over half a year. We have not met 
as a subcommittee in more than 6 months. During that time, the 
Trump Administration has been carrying out unchecked actions 
that fall squarely within the purview of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee and this particular committee.
    The President continues to halt foreign assistance, leaving 
the door wide open to greater PRC influence. He has threatened 
Brazilian officials, who convicted his friend Bolsonaro of 
attempting a coup. He has illegally deported immigrants to El 
Salvador where they were tortured according to a recent report 
by Human Rights Watch. And the Foreign Affairs Committee has 
remained for the most part silent.
    Congress has failed to provide the American people with any 
meaningful debate or discussion about these consequential 
actions. There has been no attempt to demand justification 
under our Constitution.
    Just as my Republican colleagues have made no real attempt 
to check the President's abuse of tariff authority, my 
Republican colleagues seem content to let him impose tariffs as 
high as he chooses, on any country he chooses for any reason he 
chooses, consequences for American consumers and businesses be 
damned.
    Again and again, the GOP-led Congress is missing in action 
on these critical issues, but nowhere is this advocation more 
dangerous than in Venezuela. President Trump has usurped 
Congress war powers. He has unilaterally declared hostilities 
and launched lethal attacks without congressional 
authorization.
    The administration has provided no credible rationale to 
Congress or the American people for these actions. The Pentagon 
hasn't even provided evidence that the people they have struck 
are narco-traffickers.
    Congress has made importation of illegal drugs into the 
United States a felony offense to be prosecuted in our courts 
with severe criminal penalties. And American officials are 
already doing that work, like the women and men of the U.S. 
Coast Guard and the DEA.
    Now, though, the Administration has deployed an invasion 
level force in the Caribbean, 15,000 troops, a carrier strike 
group, a nuclear submarine, and military aircraft, the largest 
military buildup in the region since the Cuban Missile Crisis 
for what they claim is a counter-narcotics mission.
    And the President has openly threatened land strikes in 
Venezuela despite his own administration assuring lawmakers 
that there were no such plans and that they lack legal 
justification. This is a stunning escalation to the brink of 
war in the Western Hemisphere.
    The President believes he can act as judge, jury, and 
executioner, and no one will stop him. My colleagues across the 
aisle have given him no reason to think otherwise. Make no 
mistake, Nicolas Maduro's regime is illegitimate and 
undemocratic. And I am constantly inspired Maria Corina Machado 
in her fight to advance democracy in Venezuela.
    But the history of U.S. military intervention in Latin 
America and the Caribbean should warn us that military action 
may not lead to the democratic transition the Venezuelan people 
desire and for which they voted peacefully in 2024. These 
actions put U.S. soldiers at risk. They erode our relationships 
across the hemisphere. Already, one of our closest allies, the 
United Kingdom, suspended intelligence sharing with the United 
States over concerns with these killings.
    Ranking Member Meeks has introduced a war powers resolution 
to halt the Trump Administration's unauthorized military 
actions, a resolution I am proud to back.
    The American people do not want another forever war with 
loosely defined goals fought without so much as a debate. That 
is not what they elected us to do and that is not what our 
Constitution permits.
    So, Madam Chair, I appreciate this hearing. It is an 
important matter, but I wanted to address what I consider some 
incredibly constitutional threats to our democracy by the 
actions of Venezuela. I yield back.
    Ms. Salazar. Honorable Representative Stanton from the 
State of Arizona, I very much appreciate your comments. I do 
agree. I think that we should send a message that regardless of 
whether we have a representative from the State Department or 
not, that we are united, Democrats and Republicans, in sending 
a message to the Hondurans and to the Armed Forces in Honduras 
that they should preserve the integrity of the elections coming 
on November 30. Don't we agree on that?
    Mr. Stanton. Well said.
    Ms. Salazar. And we also agree, as Republicans and 
Democrats, members of the Subcommittee of the Western 
Hemisphere, that Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela is a threat to 
democracy in the Western Hemisphere.
    Not only that, I think that you forgot to mention he is the 
head of one of the drug cartels called the Suns Cartel. Not 
only that, he was also indicted in 2020 in a Federal grand jury 
for drug trafficking, he stole the election, 70 to 30, and the 
legitimate president of Venezuela is hiding in a tunnel 
somewhere in Caracas waiting for the United States to do what 
we need to do, which is to maintain free and fair elections, 
for democracy and for freedom in this hemisphere.
    I think that you agree with me, don't you? I think that you 
missed out on saying those.
    Mr. Stanton. Of course. And I look forward to a hearing on 
that matter at our next----
    Ms. Salazar. And we will. And I am sure that you will be 
here. Thank you very much for your words.
    Now I am going to give the opportunity to Congresswoman 
Kamlager-Dove of California. Thank you.
    I yield back and give you 5 minutes.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Madam Chair. And thankfully 
you didn't say from Texas.
    Ms. Salazar. Right, or from Arizona.
    Mr. Castro. That would be a compliment if you said from 
Texas.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Ooh, that is right. That is right. That 
is right.
    Madam Chair, thank you for holding this meeting, this 
hearing, and it is absolutely ridiculous that 11 months into 
the year this subcommittee has not had a single administration 
official come to testify on any issue on the Western 
Hemisphere.
    If nothing else, it is vivid display of the total lack of 
respect this administration has for my Republican colleagues, 
your constituents and their expectation of your acquiescence. 
But it is not surprising.
    Trump has completely sidelined Congress as a co-equal 
branch of government and nowhere is that more apparent than in 
his Latin America policy, a region that demands better from us 
and actually deserves our thoughtful attention, like talking 
about free and fair elections in Honduras.
    In the time that this subcommittee has failed to exercise 
its constitutional oversight duty or play any meaningful role 
in the United States foreign policy toward Latin America, the 
Western Hemisphere has become ground zero for the 
administration's illegality.
    Trump has deported people with no due process in violation 
of the Constitution to a maximum security gulag like prison in 
El Salvador, his temper tariffs on Mexico rooted in an abuse of 
IEEPA authorities, have inflated prices on the produce and 
coffee we get from our largest trading partner, hurting my 
constituents in LA and Americans across the country.
    Trump has slapped 50 percent tariffs on Brazil, with whom 
we have a trade surplus just to prevent his political ally Jair 
Bolsanaro from being convicted of a coup attempt inspired by 
Trump's own January 6 insurrection.
    Trump revoked TPS for Venezuelan, Honduran, Nicaraguan, and 
Haitian legal immigrants, thousands of whom reside in your 
district, Madam Chair, and I know you have been trying to work 
on that. It is to the point that Republican donors are calling 
Republicans out to do something.
    He has executed a $40 billion bailout to Argentina during a 
government shutdown where he refused to spend $4 billion in 
SNAP emergency funds to feed his own constituents in this 
country. And I haven't even gotten to the second elephant in 
the room because the first elephant is that no one from the 
Secretary of State, no one from State Department or an 
administration official is here. But the second elephant in the 
room, the reason this administration is running scared from 
Congress and refused to show up is because Latin America has 
become a staging ground for Trump's blatantly illegal use of 
military force abroad and his trampling of the Constitution.
    To date, the administration has conducted 21 strikes in the 
Caribbean, killing at least 83 people. And its justification, 
that it can target whoever it wants, wherever it wants, as long 
as it claims that they are drug traffickers with or without 
evidence. And these illegal strikes just got even more illegal 
because if the administration does want the authority for these 
strikes, the War Powers Act requires that they come to Congress 
for an authorization of military force 60 days after it first 
enters into hostilities.
    It has been 77 days since the Administration informed 
Congress of the strike. The 60 day war powers deadline has come 
and gone. And the administration has refused to follow the law 
and seek an AUMF from Congress.
    The illegality of this military action is provoking a 
crisis within our Armed Forces. The admiral at U.S. Southern 
Command, which is overseeing the boat strikes, retired rather 
than be complicit in this illegal behavior. And yesterday, NBC 
news reported that the senior military lawyer at SOUTHCOM 
believed the strikes could amount to extrajudicial killings. 
But he was overruled by senior administration officials, 
meaning the administration knowingly broke the law, which 
brings me to Venezuela, where we are returning to the cold war.
    Just yesterday, Trump reportedly authorized CIA plans for 
covert action inside the country. In an era of great power 
competition and limited resources, he has diverted significant 
naval capabilities to South America, including our most 
advanced carrier. And he has not provided a single briefing to 
either chamber of Congress on these outrageous plans.
    I don't know a single voter whose top issue in 2024 or even 
this past November was launching a ground invasion of 
Venezuela.
    I have to say, Madam Chair, you are a strong sister. And 
you deserve more than this. And you should not let them do you 
like this. You should not let them do any of us like this. And 
I support you as you continue to demand that administration 
officials show up and testify before this body. If you have 
nothing to hide, than you should have everything to share.
    And it is Okay, it is Okay, to sit before us and have to 
answer uncomfortable questions. But you should at least have 
the decency, the decency to respect this body. We are moving 
into a moment that is shameful. It is dystopian. And it is a 
dereliction of duty. And none of us, none of us want those 
subscriptions attached to our names and our work and our 
commitment to this region.
    Madam Chair, I thank you for holding this meeting. I 
actually have two things I would like to enter into the record, 
asking unanimous consent. You know, I got so worked up because 
I know you care about this region. You know I care about this 
region. I know you care about your people. And we care about 
doing what is right.
    I would like to enter into the--I ask unanimous consent to 
enter into the record an NBC news titled article, Top Military 
Lawyer Raise Legal Concerns About Boat Strikes and I ask 
unanimous consent to enter into the record an open letter to 
the Miami-Dade delegation, Defend Immigrants Now. It is an 
opinion op ed in the Miami Herald.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you. I appreciate your words. I agree 
with some of them. Thank you, Congresswoman Kamlager-Dove from, 
of course, California.
    Now I recognize Congressman Randy Fine from the beautiful 
and marvelous State of Florida, 5 minutes.
    Mr. Fine. Thank you, Madam Chair. And thank you. I am new 
to the committee or the subcommittee having just been added to 
Foreign Affairs shortly before the August recess. It is an 
honor to be here and to be discussing the subject.
    I want to talk about why I think this is important, why we 
should care because that is really what many of my constituents 
ask me on all of these issues of international relations, why 
should they care? And I am going to give my reasons and then I 
have got a couple of questions.
    I worry about this because we clearly have a problem in 
Venezuela with narco-trafficking, trafficking of drugs. And I 
am incredibly grateful to President Trump for showing such 
leadership in saying, I am not going to let these drugs come 
into our country. And I fully applaud and support everything 
that he is doing there.
    But Attorney General Bondi stated in August of this year 
that the Venezuelan regime has paid for access to Honduran air 
space to transport cocaine without detection. And that bothers 
me and so we should care because Honduras' geographic position 
makes it critical for us to stop this.
    It also matters because we have to worry about geopolitical 
competition. We have to worry about a world in which China 
wishes to be ascendant. And as they come into our part of the 
world, the Western Hemisphere, we need to be cognizant of that. 
And as we have seen in Honduras, that is a risk.
    And then, finally, I am very focused on the pitfalls of 
illegal immigration and the extraordinary damage that it has 
done to my constituents in the State of Florida with higher 
criminal costs, higher health care costs, higher education 
costs, higher insurance costs, and higher housing costs. And it 
is my view that all illegal immigrants, every single one should 
be sent home.
    And so the last thing we need is to create situations where 
more want to come to our country. So I think for all of these 
reasons, we need to be concerned about what is happening in 
Honduras.
    So I have a question for the Ambassador, who I served with 
in the Florida House. And it is always an honor to see you 
here.
    Honduras was among only four Latin American countries, 
along with Bolivia, Cuba, and Nicaragua that recognized 
Maduro's fraudulent election in July 2024. How does that fact 
reflect on their commitment to democratic norms and what does 
that say we should be concerned about with the election that is 
coming up in just a few days?
    Mr. Trujillo. Thank you, Congressman. Great to see you.
    It is a complete abandonment of traditional democratic 
norms. No country, center left, center right, Republican, 
Democrat, recognize the Maduro election. And the ones who did 
recognize it, recognize that Maduro was not elected and Maria 
Corina Machado was actually the elected representative of the 
country of Venezuela.
    But I think it speaks much deeper to the long-term plans. 
When you recognize fraudulent elections, when you participate 
in fraudulent elections, when you celebrate fraudulent 
elections, it really is their modus operandi of what they plan 
to do in the next 10 days.
    And I think all the steps they have taken, the State of 
emergency, the politicization of the Attorney General being 
related to one of the candidates, the elimination of the 
Electoral Council, the replacement of the Electoral Council, 
the military being involved in the election, it is all the 
roadmap to what is to come. We hope it doesn't get there.
    Mr. Fine. So my followup, and I shall ask this for all of 
you, but I would ask you to keep your answers to sort of 10 
seconds. Do you each of you have legitimate concerns that the 
outcome of the election will not be free and fair and something 
that we can take great confidence in or are you saying, no, we 
can count the votes and we will know where we are the next day?
    Mr. Trujillo. I have concerns.
    Ms. Ullmer. I would say we would have concerns if the CNE 
and the TGE are not allowed to do their jobs.
    Mr. Fine. Okay. And do you think they will be allowed to do 
their jobs? I will get to you in a second, sir. But do you 
think they will be allowed?
    Ms. Ullmer. We hope so. And we hope that this hearing is 
sending a strong message.
    Mr. Roig. Yes, I would agree with my colleagues here that 
we definitely have concerns. But I would also just note quickly 
that this problem of authoritarianism isn't one just on the 
left, it is also on the right.
    I will note that El Salvador has imprisoned Ruth Lopez, a 
civil----
    Mr. Fine. Not the subject of the hearing today. I got a 
minute and 8 seconds left. So I have got another question for 
my friend, the Ambassador.
    Do you assess that the pattern of prosecuting electoral 
judges, forcing resignations of opposition CNE representatives, 
releasing allegedly fabricated audio recordings mirrors the 
authoritarian playbook that we have seen in Venezuela and 
Nicaragua and what are your thoughts on that?
    Mr. Trujillo. It was actually copyright written by the 
Cubans and then exported across the region. I agree with your 
assessment.
    Mr. Fine. Well, I share that concern. We obviously want 
great relationships with our neighbors. You know, to me, it is 
less about who wins an election. It is more about can you have 
confidence in them. And I think you all have raised grave 
concerns about what is going to happen. I hope that the 
Hondurans are able to have a free and fair election and that we 
can continue to have great relations with the country. And with 
that, I yield back.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Representative Fine. Now, I 
recognize Representative Titus from the State of Nevada for 5 
minutes. Thank you for being here.
    Ms. Titus. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
    [Spanish language spoken.] I am glad that after----
    Ms. Salazar. Your accent is really good.
    Ms. Titus. Thank you. Thank you. It is a little southern 
accent.
    Well, I am glad that after 11 months of the administration 
that we are finally having a hearing that is really focused on 
the Western Hemisphere because that is what our committee is 
supposed to be looking at, and it has taken us awhile to get 
here.
    And in the meantime, we have seen Trump threaten to seize 
the Panama Canal. He has renamed the Gulf of Mexico. He has 
given $40 billion to Argentina. He has threatened military 
strikes against Mexico. He has bombed boats in the Caribbean 
without legal justification. He has slapped crippling tariffs 
on our partners in the North and South and Central America, 
which has resulted in skyrocketing prices for my constituents. 
And now he is just itching to invade Venezuela and talking 
about covert activities there. We haven't addressed any of that 
up until this point and yet it is happening as we speak, all of 
these things going on in the hemisphere.
    Now, that is not to minimize the importance of what is 
happening in the Honduras and the value of democratic 
institutions there and elsewhere. But it is merely to highlight 
the fact that the committee knows what the Trump Administration 
is doing in Latin America. It is creating chaos throughout the 
hemisphere.
    It is not advancing U.S. interests in the region. It is not 
making our constituents in this country or throughout the 
region safer, stronger or more prosperous. And it is not how 
this country should be doing foreign policy.
    Republicans on this committee know that if we talk about 
those things, they may lose the narrative on any of these 
issues. So we have just diverted attention away from everything 
else that is going on there, and especially now that we know 
the President probably doesn't have any trouble putting boots 
on the ground in a foreign country.
    So I would ask you, Mr. Roig, do you think that the chaos 
that the administration has wrought throughout the hemisphere 
would have any negative impacts on Honduras on its institutions 
going beyond the election and migration policy, security 
challenges, other things? I mean, the election is just 1 day. 
Then you have got to deal with the future. How is all this 
chaos going to impact what happens next?
    Mr. Roig. Yes, Congresswoman, as I stated in my opening 
statement, the Trump Administration has largely operated a very 
transactional approach to the region.
    With Honduras, there have been 353 deportation flights this 
year alone. And so it is very obvious to the Castro government 
if they play ball on that count, they, you know, can get away 
with a lot of other stuff. And so that is of concern to many of 
us.
    On Venezuela, my organization, Human Rights First, has been 
pretty vocal that what is happening with the boat strikes 
amounts to extrajudicial killings, particularly without any 
evidence.
    We all know that fentanyl is not coming from Venezuela. It 
is coming through Mexico. And so it is really at the end of the 
day a dysfunctional game of Whac-A-Mole that is being played 
out right now in the Caribbean and probably will have no impact 
on drug markets here in the U.S.
    Just a month ago, I was up in Baltimore doing police ride-
alongs at drug markets. And I can't tell you the number of 
fentanyl deals that were all over the ground in these 
neighborhoods. So very hard to imagine that any of this is 
going to have any impact on that which is what the Trump 
Administration says they are trying to do.
    And last point, we have to be consistent when we call out 
left leaning authoritarian regimes. There are also, as I said 
earlier, ones on the right. Bukele in El Salvador has 
demonstrated authoritarian tendencies. You have seen Cristosal, 
one of the leading human rights organizations, which has had to 
leave the country because one of their anti-corruption 
activists is now currently in prison. So let's be consistent 
also in the sense of how we deal with these issues.
    Ms. Titus. Well, do you think cutting out foreign 
assistance for democracy and good government programs would 
make a difference? That's been a negative impact on this notion 
that we need free and fair elections? We have got no NDI, no 
IRI down there working on these issues because we have cutoff 
all that foreign aid?
    Mr. Roig. I wills] say definitely the dismantling of USAID 
and the cut in assistance that my bureau, DRL, provided 
definitely has had an impact on the electoral observation, 
support the civic activist to media outlets, other 
organizations.
    NDI has been able to continue their operation at a reduced 
scale. But we would be in a different position if we had a much 
more robust foreign assistance apparatus at this point that we 
could have started much sooner to prepare the way for the 
elections on November 30 in Honduras.
    Ms. Titus. Well, we have heard a lot of testimony about how 
the Honduran people have low trust in their government and they 
are not confident that these elections are going to be free and 
fair.
    Do you think having the Chairwoman of this committee say I 
am not going to tell you who to vote for, but don't vote for 
the Communist, is that going to help increase trust in the 
electoral process or think that it is fair and being done in 
Honduras and not with a thumb on the scale form somewhere else?
    Mr. Roig. Well, Congresswoman, obviously, we want to 
maintain impartiality in all of this. But it is important to 
call out the irregularities that we are seeing currently on the 
ground. And so I think that is what we have all stated here in 
our opening testimoneys that there are things that do concern 
us on what is happening in Honduras.
    But, again, I will go back to my point. Let's be consistent 
and call it out on both the left and the right when we see 
governments that are demonstrating authoritarian tendencies on 
both sides of the political side.
    Ms. Titus. Thank you.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Madam Titus, from the State of 
Nevada. Now I recognize Congressman Mackenzie from Pennsylvania 
for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Mackenzie. Thank you, Madam Chair. I appreciate today's 
hearing. Obviously, Honduras is a key U.S. partner in Central 
America, and we want to make sure that they are secure and 
prosperous and maintain a good relationship with our country.
    We also want to work with the Honduran government to 
address shared challenges in the region, like drug trafficking 
and reducing crime.
    And so I have a couple questions. I will followup on 
election irregularities, which we just touched on a little bit. 
But I am also concerned about what the elections and 
irregularities, how they can affect our ability to work 
together and what it also means for China's growing influence 
in the region.
    And so Ambassador Trujillo, during your tenure as 
Ambassador to the OAS, Honduras shifted diplomatic relations 
from Taiwan to China. And in your estimation, what factors 
drove that decision and how have you seen Chinese influence 
expand in the country since the decision?
    Mr. Trujillo. Thank you. It happened after my term in the 
OAS. But they did shift, and they campaigned on breaking 
diplomatic relationship with Taiwan in order to favor China. 
China has been significantly much more active not only in 
Honduras but in the region.
    If you look at the last 10 years from Honduras to Panama to 
the Dominican Republic--I am sure I am missing a few--but a lot 
of those countries have shifted diplomatic relationships from 
Taiwan to China.
    And in Honduras in particular, they have been significantly 
aggressive in providing intelligence, in providing some 
communication support, in providing telecom support, and also 
providing strengthening diplomatic ties, including multiple 
State trips from Honduran high ranking officials, including the 
president, to Beijing.
    Mr. Mackenzie. So just to highlight again and expand on 
what you said there about how they had campaigned on that. Tell 
me how that played in the elections or how did that contribute 
to the outcome of the elections?
    Mr. Trujillo. Well, they actively campaigned on, you know, 
having more normalized relationship. And they always obviously 
paint it as trade, right, this economic engine of China. We are 
going to have trade. It is going to help grow our economy. It 
is played out throughout the rest of Latin America.
    It has never been the case. China is really good at 
importing. They are really bad at purchasing exports. So I 
think that continues to be the case.
    Going forward, it will be interesting to see if the 
candidates from the opposition switch to diplomatic recognition 
and whether they leave from Beijing back to Taipei.
    Mr. Mackenzie. And do you think the decision to make that a 
part of the political campaign in the election was driven by 
Hondurans or was that driven by the Chinese?
    Mr. Trujillo. I think by both. I would say the Honduran 
officials who accepted the challenge and the Chinese who 
provided the opportunity.
    Mr. Mackenzie. Okay. Thank you.
    We are also--we were pleased to see that the Deputy 
Secretary of State statement last week on the upcoming Honduran 
elections. He echoed the concerns of the OAS.
    What were those concerns and what are the concerns that you 
have regarding the elections, potential irregularities, and 
what we should be looking for because we do want to make sure 
that there are free and fair elections occurring there.
    Mr. Trujillo. I think the poor functioning primaries were 
an indicator of what is to come. The delay in the vote 
counting, the military's active role, the military taking 
possession of ballots and not having a lot of transparency for 
all parties involved, including civil society.
    And I think going forward it is really the role as some of 
my colleagues have said on this panel, of the Electoral 
Commission. If they are truly allowed to be independent, I am 
not saying it will 100 percent change the outcome, but at least 
we will have the information to verify the outcomes of the 
election.
    The question becomes whether Honduran government officials 
are going to allow them to fulfill their role, and the next 10 
days will determine it. But it seems increasingly putting more 
and more pressure on the independence of the Electoral Council.
    Mr. Mackenzie. All right. Well, thank you again to all of 
you for being here again today. Obviously, a great topic of 
interest that we are following very closely in the region. And 
I appreciate your input and testimony today.
    With that, I yield back to the chair.
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Congressman Mackenzie from 
Pennsylvania, and we are about to wrap this up.
    I think that we have been able to send a very clear message 
to the Hondurans, those who are watching this hearing back in 
Honduras, Tegucigalpa, and whatever other area in the country 
that, regardless whether we agree or not, Democrats and 
Republicans, you have seen that we have not always agreed on 
every single topic, but we have sent a very clear message how 
the American democracy works. And that is exactly what we want 
for Honduras and for the rest of Central America.
    We are sending a very clear message, Republicans and 
Democrats from the U.S. House of Representatives that we want 
fair, clean elections, transparent elections, and for the 
Hondurans to decide their future for the next 4 years.
    With that, I thank them for their valuable testimony and 
the members for their questions. The members of the 
subcommittee may have some additional questions for the 
witnesses, which can be responded to in writing.
    Pursuant to committee rules, all members may have 5 days to 
submit statements, questions or other materials for the record 
subject to the length of the limitations.
    And I am going to say a few words before we close, once 
again in Spanish, to the Hondurans who are watching this 
committee. Usually, this has to be done in English, but since 
we are talking about our very close ally in Central America
    [Spanish language spoken].
    With that, may the Lord help the Hondurans and Honduras. 
This committee stands adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 3:35 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]


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