Sponsors
This bill shifts apportionment and post‑census processes to prioritize citizens and map stability — potentially improving alignment of representation with the voting population and aiding state planning — but raises substantial risks of lower census participation, privacy and safety harms for immigrant communities, reduced representation and funding for areas with many noncitizens, and increased litigation and administrative costs.
Residents of states with higher citizen shares will see congressional apportionment and Electoral College allocation based on citizens rather than total residents, increasing those states' representation.
State governments, policymakers, and researchers receive citizenship-disaggregated counts from the Census within 120 days, improving planning, policy analysis, and resource allocation.
States that lawfully complete post‑apportionment congressional maps avoid frequent midcycle redistricting, providing more stable representation for voters until the next reapportionment.
Noncitizen households may avoid participating or misreport citizenship status, causing undercounts that could reduce federal funding to states and localities and distort apportionment and planning.
States with large noncitizen resident populations risk losing House seats and Electoral College votes after the 2030 census, reducing their federal representation and political influence.
Collecting and publicly releasing citizenship-disaggregated counts (including questions about unlawful presence) raises privacy, stigmatization, and safety risks and may deter participation from immigrant communities; data could be misused by enforcement agencies or third parties.
Based on analysis of 5 sections of legislative text.
Adds a citizenship question to the decennial Census, excludes noncitizens from apportionment counts starting with 2030, and limits mid-decade congressional redistricting.
Adds a citizenship-status question to the decennial Census and requires the Commerce Secretary to publish state-level counts by citizenship categories after each census. It changes how the population used to apportion House seats (and thus Electoral College votes) is calculated by excluding noncitizens starting with the 2030-based apportionment, and it limits states from doing a second congressional redistricting between apportionments except when ordered by a court to fix constitutional or Voting Rights Act violations.
Introduced January 21, 2026 by Tom Barrett · Last progress January 21, 2026