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Introduced June 27, 2025 by Thomas Bryant Cotton · Last progress June 27, 2025
Overhauls the organization and authorities of the U.S. intelligence community by terminating or relocating multiple centers, offices, and programs; imposing staffing and property limits on the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI); restricting use of National Intelligence Program (NIP) funds for certain outside collaborations and diversity/equity/inclusion (DEI) practices; and creating short-term national intelligence task forces. Many units (including a university, several centers, and language and innovation programs) must be wound down or transferred on set timelines, and several funding and operational prohibitions take effect on staggered schedules ranging from 30 days to one year. The bill shifts specific centers into other agencies (moving counterintelligence to the FBI and counterproliferation into the CIA), renames and refocuses the national counterterrorism center to include counternarcotics, requires an acquisition reform plan from the DNI, caps ODNI staff at 650 full-time equivalents, and restricts NIP-funded collaborations with think tanks or research entities that have foreign government support (except Five Eyes).
The bill trades a leaner, more centralized and administratively streamlined intelligence organization with potential near‑term cost savings and clearer authorities for reduced institutional capacity, lower transparency, potential civil‑liberties risks, and disruptive short‑term impacts on workforce, training, and research partnerships.
Taxpayers and federal operations will likely see reduced recurring costs and a smaller central bureaucracy as multiple offices are repealed, ODNI staff are capped, underused institutions/facilities are slated for sale or elimination, and some functions are consolidated.
Federal agencies and courts will face clearer statutory language and organizational definitions because the bill standardizes titles, clarifies terms (e.g., foreign malign influence), and reorganizes membership and statutory references.
Federal national-security actors (intelligence, law enforcement) and taxpayers may gain improved operational protection and coordination for certain sensitive activities by centralizing some functions (e.g., stricter limits on foreign-funded research collaborations, consolidating counterintelligence functions into the FBI, consolidating counterproliferation under CIA, and enabling focused DNI task
Federal intelligence consumers, analysts, and U.S. security will lose institutional capacity and expertise as programs and units (e.g., Foreign Malign Influence Center, foreign languages program, Innovation Unit, National Intelligence Manager roles, and NIU) are eliminated or downgraded, reducing specialized skills, training, and continuity.
Taxpayers, Congress, and the public will face reduced transparency and congressional oversight because reporting requirements, certain DNI authorities, and Senate advice-and-consent for a Center director are removed or narrowed, and responsibilities are shifted to agencies with less DNI or congressional visibility.
Civil liberties advocates and the public could face greater privacy and surveillance risks as counterintelligence functions move into the FBI and authorities concentrate at the CIA, while short initial notice requirements for some task forces allow significant activity before legislative scrutiny.